1 10 83 https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/files/original/a5264745e4297f6ecb8b03a79fffc48c.jpg e98105b60ac2cf73ffe57565602c9f45 https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/files/original/ed9661682a2789fb9e71f1c7f91848a6.pdf 569f3206dd3d748e9f045ca0d6978340 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Emergence of Modern America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1890-1930 Description An account of the resource The idea of a “Modern United States” begins with the advent of the Progressive era. The Progressive movement focused on reforms viewed as necessary after drastic increases in industrialization, immigration, and urbanization, as well as corruption in the business and political realms. Temperance reached its peak with the 18th Amendment and the decade of Prohibition, while woman suffrage became guaranteed nationally with the 19th Amendment. Other movements that gained traction on a new scale during this era were the labor movement, including the rise of unions, and the Harlem Renaissance. Shifting roles for African Americans migrating to northern cities and unprecendented immigration to America's shores heightened racial and ethnic tensions and led to the resurgence of the Ku Klux Klan. With all of the changes on the home front of America, this era also saw the emergence of the United States as a major world power. The Spanish-American War pitted the U.S. against a European power other than Great Britain for the first time. Not long after, the United States found itself embroiled in World War I, despite strong isolationist tendencies. Along with a large death toll, World War I led to the development of the failed League of Nations, ultimately pushing the United States even further into an isolationist standing that would last for decades. The immediate postwar period of the Prohibition-era “Roaring 20s” saw a domination in politics and economics by big business and its supporters, which would all come crashing down in less than a decade. Learn more in the <a title="This external link will open in a new window." href="http://www.nchs.ucla.edu/history-standards/us-history-content-standards/united-states-era-7" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">National U.S. History Content Standards</a>. Lesson Plan A resource that gives a detailed description of a course of instruction. Context After the U.S. Supreme Court determined in 1896 that “separate but equal” was not unconstitutional in Plessy v. Ferguson, southern state legislatures passed a flurry of segregation laws. In truth, Virginia had already begun codifying segregation in 1870 when it segregated public schools. The General Assembly passed a series of laws between 1900 and 1906 segregating all public transportation in response to Black citizens protesting local segregation ordinances. And in 1926, the General Assembly passed the sweeping Public Assemblages Act to segregate all remaining public spaces, including movie theatres, opera houses, and any places of public assembly. The origins of the Public Assemblages Act of 1926 exemplify the influence of political elites and members of the Anglo-Saxon Clubs within Virginia. The bill was introduced in response to one white woman’s experience at a performance held at Hampton Institute. Grace Copeland, wife of newspaper editor Walter Scott Copeland, chose to attend a dance troupe’s performance at the private Black college Hampton Institute (now Hampton University) in February 1925. She arrived late after the seats reserved for white audience members were full and she was incensed at being seated with Black people. The Copelands wrote the governor to complain, and Walter Copeland wrote editorials in his Newport News newspapers decrying the institution’s color-blind seating process. The governor’s tepid response that he would look into the matter but that there were no grounds for a formal investigation spurred Copeland and his supporters—primarily members of the white supremacist Anglo-Saxon Club—to demand a new law requiring segregation in all public spaces. Delegate George A. Massenburg, of Elizabeth City County and Hampton, introduced the bill in the House of Delegates. Some organizations did not support the bill, including the Virginia Baptist Association, which opposed the forced segregation of Asian missionary students. Both houses of the General Assembly overwhelmingly approved the bill. Governor Harry F. Byrd allowed the act to become law on March 22, 1926, without signing it. Operators of any public venue who did not "separate the white race and the colored race" could be charged with a misdemeanor and face fines between $100 and $500 per offense. The law to prevent racially integrated public spaces was one of the toughest in the country. In response, Hampton Institute closed all of its performances to everyone but invited guests. This article in the Southern Workman, published monthy by Hampton, printed the law and explained the school's new policy. Citation: "The Massenburg Bill," Southern Workman, 55 (June 1926): 242-243, Library of Virginia. Read online in Virginia Chronicle: https://www.virginiachronicle.com/?a=d&d=SWM19260601.1.4 <a href="https://encyclopediavirginia.org/entries/copeland-walter-s-1856-1928/">Learn more about Walter Scott Copeland</a> in the Dictionary of Virginia Biography online at Encyclopedia Virginia. Standards VUS.10, USII.5, USII.3, VS.8, GOVT.10, GOVT.11 Suggested Questions Preview Activity Listicle: Make a list of four things you know about segregation in the early twentieth century South, and what this tells you about how life would have been like living under these laws. Post Activities Virginia Validation: Some white-dominated organizations, such as the Richmond Chamber of Commerce, that supported racial segregation did not support passage of the Public Assemblages Act. Consider about how Virginia tried to position itself as a state primed for business investment, and how it tried to differentiate itself from states in the deep-South. Why do you think these groups specifically may have not wanted to pass the law? Analyze: Read the reaction of Hampton Institute to the passage of this law that was directed at their practices. What do you think of their new policy? How did it circumvent the law in certain ways? Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Public Assemblages Act for the Separation of Races, 1926 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1926 African American History Government and Civics https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/files/original/59e0ed06fe7318d2996c06146541be4b.jpg dedcc0eebc99fbdd0b9aa96da75b89f9 https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/files/original/07944dfdb3968abaa30c7bd2e23c96ec.jpg debc707706c99c4f6ad4ae1f90bd808e https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/files/original/7798c3f3913deb03af040b5a641470de.pdf 172361c5f0502c6a7655bab147183b86 https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/files/original/93c44e0c92317fb4ebcaf9ed0c466fd1.pdf eaf1655f34d3c45d9ea9b0a693fb771a Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Expansion and Reform Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1800-1860 Description An account of the resource Between 1800 and 1860, the United States underwent a period of increased territorial growth, immigration, economic growth, and industrialization. At the same time as the nation was increasing in population and size, regional differences were becoming more and more pronounced, and politically confrontational. The idea of Manifest Destiny led to expansion first across the Appalachians, then across the Mississippi, and finally to the Pacific Ocean. Vast swaths of land were aquired via the Louisiana Purchase from France and through the United States’s victory in the Mexican-American War. This expansion, however, did have some negative results, most notably the removal of many Indian nations in the Southeast and old Northwest. Economic development, while increasing wealth and prosperity, also brought regional differences more sharply into focus. Northeastern industrial development, increased urbanization, and technological advancements separated it even further from the agrarian South. There was also a transportation revolution involving railroads, canals, and trans-regional roads, many times centered in the North. The issue of slavery caused increasing strife and political debate as new western territories sought to join the Union. Despite expansion, free African Americans and women were still largely disfranchised. Reforms movements related to temperence, women's rights, education, mental health, and imprisonment occurred in bursts, setting the stage for post-Civil War major reforms. Learn more in the <a title="This external link will open in a new window." href="http://www.nchs.ucla.edu/history-standards/us-history-content-standards/united-states-era-4" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">National U.S. History Content Standards</a>. Lesson Plan A resource that gives a detailed description of a course of instruction. Context Henry Box Brown gained fame after escaping slavery in Richmond in 1849. Although many others self-emancipated to freedom, Brown is the only person documented to have shipped himself to freedom. He used his fame to speak out against slavery as a performer in New England and England. Born in 1816, Brown was taken from his parents as a teen when bequeathed in a will to his enslaver’s son. Brown moved from a plantation in Louisa County to Richmond, where he began working in a tobacco factory. Enslaved people in urban areas could sometimes experience a degree of freedom because they often lived apart from their enslavers and generally were permitted to move about the city with their enslavers’ permission. It was here that Brown met his wife Nancy—who was owned by another—and they had several children. He and his family attended First African Baptist Church, where he sang in the choir. Brown made money for himself and his family by working past his required hours in the factory, something encouraged by the factory owners to increase production. Here, he reported, he experienced a wide range of overseers—from generally fair-minded to harsh. Brown later wrote that he paid his enslaver money to provide a kind of bond to make sure that his family stayed together, but in 1848 Nancy's enslaver—pregnant with their fourth child—and three children away to North Carolina. After grieving the loss of his family, Brown developed a plan to escape to the North. With the help of a free Black man and a northern-born shoemaker who was willing to ship Henry for a price, he had a box constructed and shipped himself to Philadelphia’s Anti-Slavery League headquarters. On March 23, 1849, Brown stepped into a box three feet long, two and one-half feet deep, and two feet wide. His journey lasted twenty-six hours over railroad and steamboat, and part of the time his box was upside down. When the box was opened in Philadelphia Brown was free. His daring scheme gained almost instant notoriety, prompting several other enslaved people to try to do the same. Because word spread about his escape so quickly, others who tried to ship themselves got caught, and the men who helped him escape were later arrested. The white shoemaker served six years in prison, but the Black co-conspirator evaded conviction and moved to Boston, where he joined Brown. Brown adopted the name Henry Box Brown and capitalized on his story by began speaking as an abolitionist across New England, making money as an orator. He and his partner from Richmond soon produced a panorama, essentially a show in which a painted screen rolled behind Brown as he talked of the horrors of the slave system. After the passage of the Fugitive Slave Act in 1850, Brown left the U.S. for England, where he toured for several more years with his panorama. After parting ways with his partner, Brown continued to perform on stage. He married an Englishwoman and later returned to the U.S. in the 1870s. He died in Toronto, Canada, in 1897. This engraving from the Liberty Almanac for 1851, printed by the American and Foeign Anti-Slavery Society, shows the moment when Henry Brown was released safely from his box. The article published in the Staunton Spectator was reprinted from a New York newspaper. Note how it juxtaposes slavery with the lives of British miners and millworkers. At this time, manual laborers in the North often compared their poor working conditions and meager pay with enslavement in order to garner sympathy and improve their situations. Instead, they provided southern slavery advocates a way to justify enslavement, as they are doing in this article. Henry Box Brown rarely appeared in southern newspapers, but this article was likely reprinted because of its description of southern slavery. Citations: Engraving in Liberty Almanac for 1851 (New York: American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, 1850), Special Collections, and Henry Box Brown article reprinted in the Staunton Spectator, July 23, 1851, p. 2, both Library of Virginia. <a href="https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/online-classroom/union-or-secession/people/henry-box-brown">Learn more about Henry Box Brown</a> in his Dictionary of Virginia Biography entry online. Standards VS.7, USI.8, USI.9, VUS.7, VUS.8 Suggested Questions Pre-Activities STEM Stat: Henry Brown's box was 3 feet long, 2 feet 8 inches deep, and 2 feet wide. Using a measuring tape and masking tape and cardboard, recreate the dimensions of this box. Brown was about 5’10" tall and weighed about 200 pounds. He spent more than 24 hours in this box. Calculate the volume of the box to determine how much space he had inside the box. What does this tell you about Brown’s character and determination? Take a Look: Look at the engraving. What do you notice about the image? How would you describe the body language of the participants? Look at the image on the wall, which represents an engraving made from the famous nineteenth-century painting by John Trumbull of the signing of the Declaration of Independence. This painting is in the U.S. Capitol rotunda and can be viewed <a href="https://www.aoc.gov/explore-capitol-campus/art/declaration-independence">here</a>. Why do you think this image was on the wall of the Anti-Slavery society? Post-Activities Be the Journalist: Imagine you are interviewing Henry Brown after performance in Leeds, England. What three questions would you ask about his life and performance? Why? Artistic Exploration: Make a publicity poster for Brown’s show. What elements would you include, and why? What do you think would attract the most people to his show, and why? Analyze: Read the newspaper article. How does the reporter describe enslaved Black people in the South? How does he describe the British wage workers? Why do you think he’s making this comparison? What do you think of the comparison, and why? Map It: Henry Brown's box traveled by railroad and steamship over a 24-hour period. The first leg of his journey was by train from Richmond to Aquia Landing, at the juncture of Aquia Creek and the Potomac River. The box was transferred to a steamboat that traveled up the Potomac to Washington, D.C., where the box was then loaded on a train that traveled to Baltimore, Maryland. From there the train crossed the Susquehanna River via railcar ferry at Havre de Grace, Maryland, and traveled through Wilmington, Delaware, before reaching Philadelphia. Pull up Google maps and focus on the region between Richmond and Philadelphia. Drop pins in these locations on a map and calculate the approximate distance Henry Brown traveled in his box to reach freedom. Taking a Stand: Nineteenth-century wage laborers outside the South often called their work “wage slavery,” and argued that their conditions were no better than—and often were worse than—that of enslaved people. Imagine that you are a nineteenth century abolitionist. Use facts about enslavement to counter this argument, citing examples from Henry Box Brown’s life and what you know about slavery in the South. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Henry Box Brown and his Anti-Slavery Panorama, 1851 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1851 African American History Reform Movements https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/files/original/6e459f230dab8bf5ea0ad449722912fe.jpg cb9c55d77667bf528d75cc991bc1b762 https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/files/original/2a16c583a5623d85f9de6b956d58ead5.jpg 488fb774be3bd768a6d4ef85bb498fc0 https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/files/original/3917d3e8e187cd6554ab7c2c70a986dd.pdf 66b42fea4d03ef6776db6537f80b6bab https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/files/original/c797804bfaaa7febae560b4698f3ed5c.pdf 2bfa569f409d60933ccd2677f701dc90 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Civil War and Reconstruction Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1850-1877 Description An account of the resource The Civil War was undoubtedly one of the most important events in American history. The war challenged not only the issue of slavery, but the also the balance of federal versus state powers and the power of constitutional government. In the end, not only did the war preserve the Union as Abraham Lincoln had spoken of, but it also freed nearly four million African Americans from enslavement. The war also highlighted stark differences in regions of the country. These differences ranged from political to religious to economic. The war saw an increase in battlefield news coverage and photography that visually presented military carnage in a way not seen before. The Civil War's outcome brought the first assassination of an American president. During the postwar period known as Reconstruction the nation faced the challenges of readmitting formerly Confederate southern states back into the Union as well as integrating African Americans into the political, economic, and social fabric of the country. The 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments were aimed towards providing full equality for African Americans, but faced opposition on many levels. Despite headway, the North and the South both had strong objections to Radical Reconstruction and full social and racial democratization. Many Americans opposed the idea of redistributing wealth and were still in favor of strong local rights and government. In some cases, Reconstruction increased the racial divide, giving rise to groups such as the Ku Klux Klan and spurring violence against African Americans. Learn more in the <a title="This external link will open in a new window." href="http://www.nchs.ucla.edu/history-standards/us-history-content-standards/united-states-era-5" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">National History Content Standards</a>. Lesson Plan A resource that gives a detailed description of a course of instruction. Context In October 1859, white abolitionist John Brown led an armed raid on the federal arsenal at Harper's Ferry, Virginia (now West Virginia), in an attempt to overthrow the system of slavery. Sixteen people died in the raid. Brown and six of his associates, both Black and white, were imprisoned, put on trial for treason, and sentenced to death by hanging in December 1859. Many white Southerners were convinced after Harper's Ferry that compromise on the issue of slavery was impossible because they viewed Northern extremists as intent on violently destroying their society. White Virginians feared further raids and uprisings by enslaved people. They organized local citizen committees dedicated to rooting out the abolitionists among them and eradicating anti-slavery sentiment from the community. Newspapers published reports of thwarted slave insurrections and warned against abolitionists who incited them by speaking with enslaved people. One report described three white ministers who had been tarred and feathered in Madison County, Kentucky for discussing abolition with Black men. White Southerners believed it was whites who incited enslaved people to rebel. According to Southern white supremacist propaganda, enslaved people were well-treated and happy with their condition as slaves; they claimed that Black people were better off enslaved in the South than free in the North. Some white people alleged that Black people did not want to be emancipated because it was too much responsibility for a so-called inferior race. Southern slaveholders argued that any Black person’s effort to self-liberate from slavery was the result of indoctrination by white Northerners who led them to be discontented with their situation. Although not everyone believed these lies — perhaps not even the people telling them — public suspicion was reserved for white people who spoke out against slavery, and less so for the enslaved people themselves. In southwestern Virginia's Scott County, one man faced leqal consequences for his abolitionist sentiments in the wake of the Harper's Ferry raid. Hiram Bartee, identified in the census as a blacksmith who had been born in North Carolina, was arrested on November 27, 1859. Two men had overheard him "talking abolitionism with slaves" according to this article printed in the Norfolk Day Book. Bartree reportedly told them "that negroes had as much right to their freedom as white people." When Bartee appeared before the Scott County court on December 13, the clerk recorded in the minutes that Bartee had "feloniously assisted Abraham a slave the property of Henry S. Kane to rebel and make insurrection." The justices decided to charge Bartee with a misdemeanor in the county court, rather than sending his case to the circuit court. Bartee and his father-in-law paid a $500 bond to guarantee his presence at the court session in March 1860, where a grand jury indicted him for "maintaining that owners have not right of property in their slaves." However, the indictment was quashed at the county court session on August 15, 1860, thereby voiding the charge against Bartee. In 1862, the Scott County death register listed Bartee as “killed by Yankees” in Kentucky, but there is no evidence that he served in either the United States or Confederate military. He may have been a civilian casualty rather than an armed combatant. What happened to Abraham is unclear, but he appears in the 1866 Scott County Cohabitation Register documenting marriages of formerly enslaved people as Abraham Carter, a blacksmith who had been enslaved by Henry S. Cain. Citations: "Brown's Travels in Virginia," Norfolk Day Book, Dec. 6, 1859 (p.2); Scott County Court Minute Book 12 (1855–1860), 640–641, 665 and Scott County Court Minute Book 13 (1860–1866), 30. View the <a href="https://lva.primo.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/01LVA_INST/1cgm05i/alma990016815260205756" target="_blank" title="this link opens in a new tab" rel="noreferrer noopener">Scott County Cohabitation Register</a> online in the Library of Virginia's Digital Collections Discovery. Learn more about slavery, John Brown, and the sectional crisis in <a href="https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/online-classroom/union-or-secession/units/sectional-crisis" target="_blank" title="this link opens in a new tab" rel="noreferrer noopener">Union or Secession: Virginians Decide</a>. Standards VS.1, VS.7, USI.1, USI.9, VUS.1, VUS.8 Suggested Questions Preview Activities Analyze: Proponents of slavery argued that enslaved people were well-treated and content with their situation, and that attempts to seek their freedom were caused by the influence of white abolitionists. Why do you think this was such a popular idea among supporters of slavery? What does this belief justify or make possible? What might be the consequences if white Southerners believed the truth about the horrors of slavery and the enslaved peoples’ constant desire for freedom? Form an Opinion: Hiram Bartee and Abraham Carter were both blacksmiths. How do you think this shared occupation might have brought them together? How could having something in common with Abraham Carter influence Hiram Bartee’s beliefs about slavery? Post Activities Looking at Language: What words are used in the newspaper article to describe Hiram Bartee and his actions compared to how the author describes the other white men? What are the denotations and connotations of “incendiary” and “suspicious”? What are the denotations and connotations of “reliable” “gentlemen”? Another Perspective: The newspaper article and the court records do not include Abraham Carter’s perspective. What do you think Abraham may have felt when he heard Hiram Bartee say these words on November 26, 1859? What potential dangers might he have faced from white society and his enslaver, Henry S. Kane, as a result of Bartee’s arrest? What positive results could have come out of this situation? You may want to write a journal entry imagining Abraham’s perspective. Analyze: After reading the newspaper article, consider why the story of John Brown’s disguise in Danville is placed with the story about Hiram Bartee. What effect might this juxtaposition or placement make on the reader? What do you think is the purpose of publishing this anecdote about Hiram Bartee? How could this story affect public opinion, such as the reader's beliefs about abolitionists or slavery? Be the Journalist: Imagine you have a chance to interview Hiram Bartee from jail. What three questions would you ask him? Why is it important to hear his side of the story? Food for Thought: If Hiram Bartee had done this in 1849 instead of 1859, do you think there would have been a different response? How might John Brown's raid on Harper's Ferry and his subsequent arrest influence the white response to Bartee's abolitionist sentiments? Current Connections: Although the case was eventually thrown out, Hiram Bartee experienced legal consequences because he was outspoken about his moral beliefs on the equal human rights of Black Americans. If you were in Bartee’s position in 1859, would you have spoken out against slavery? What unpopular beliefs do you have today? Do you share them, or do you keep them to yourself? What influences your decision? Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Hiram Bartee, Indictment for Abolitionism, Scott County, 1859 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1859 African American History Reform Movements https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/files/original/3fb526f127ce8e7bf7496af9eb1736ba.jpg ff2341b49cdb922cc1b8f7454d4429a8 https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/files/original/d6e84d651926bb5ec00235421a9b7ea6.pdf 47f7c2728dd678a7c4f9d34aa3547c29 https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/files/original/fde778e593d117899b81d2149d720e26.pdf 78cdd4ef429aa57f6e856fe97aa668be https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/files/original/8b598c23dfcf11e61b523db5e7d06ecc.pdf 4f83cb79ce4cd39e514492c7d4a28278 https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/files/original/8c110b7a10c4b3b2ed1950d1953f7aa1.pdf 5d3cf77839b014c841045e3a08d49cc1 https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/files/original/4d7bda09435d88bcf3570af37c2cfa3f.pdf 3b0f6f62b929d9b448cc940be4a6c2e3 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Civil War and Reconstruction Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1850-1877 Description An account of the resource The Civil War was undoubtedly one of the most important events in American history. The war challenged not only the issue of slavery, but the also the balance of federal versus state powers and the power of constitutional government. In the end, not only did the war preserve the Union as Abraham Lincoln had spoken of, but it also freed nearly four million African Americans from enslavement. The war also highlighted stark differences in regions of the country. These differences ranged from political to religious to economic. The war saw an increase in battlefield news coverage and photography that visually presented military carnage in a way not seen before. The Civil War's outcome brought the first assassination of an American president. During the postwar period known as Reconstruction the nation faced the challenges of readmitting formerly Confederate southern states back into the Union as well as integrating African Americans into the political, economic, and social fabric of the country. The 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments were aimed towards providing full equality for African Americans, but faced opposition on many levels. Despite headway, the North and the South both had strong objections to Radical Reconstruction and full social and racial democratization. Many Americans opposed the idea of redistributing wealth and were still in favor of strong local rights and government. In some cases, Reconstruction increased the racial divide, giving rise to groups such as the Ku Klux Klan and spurring violence against African Americans. Learn more in the <a title="This external link will open in a new window." href="http://www.nchs.ucla.edu/history-standards/us-history-content-standards/united-states-era-5" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">National History Content Standards</a>. Lesson Plan A resource that gives a detailed description of a course of instruction. Context Black Americans understood the meaning of <a href="https://encyclopediavirginia.org/entries/african-americans-and-politics-in-virginia-1865-1902/">citizenship</a> and the possibilities afforded by the prospect of emancipation long before the end of the Civil War. Among their demands for equality was the right to participate in the political process as voters. Black men in Virginia used their political voice once they secured the vote, but white legislators slowly worked to disfranchise Black voters, first through illegal means, and then by including disfranchisement in the 1902 Constitution. Their efforts to stifle Black men’s participation also affected white citizens, and Virginia had one of the lowest voter participation rates in the United States until the mid-1960s. In places where the United States Army controlled territory during the Civil War, Black men organized to demand suffrage. In Norfolk, for example, Black men established the Colored Monitor Union Club early in 1865 to safeguard their interests and demand participation in politics including the right to vote. Other pro-suffrage groups emerged around the commonwealth, much to the concern of many white people. In May 1865 more than 1,000 Black men in Norfolk voted for representatives to the General Assembly. They had no legal authorization to do so, and in most precincts white election officials refused to count their votes. After this incident, the Colored Monitor Union Club published its demand for equal suffrage as a right of citizenship. As a result of white southern legislatures refusing to recognize the equal rights of Black people—in employment, voting, education, or any other aspect of society—Congress passed laws in 1867 known as the Reconstruction Acts. These acts put the governments of southern states under military control until they agreed to ratify the <a href="https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/online-classroom/stc/units/the-fourteenth-amendment">Fourteenth</a> and <a href="https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/online-classroom/stc/units/the-fifteenth-amendment">Fifteenth </a>Amendments, which guaranteed Black men citizenship and the right to vote, and required that former Confederate states adopt new state constitutions that promoted equality. For the first time in Virginia—under the protection of the U.S. military and the Freedmen’s Bureau—<a href="https://www.lva.virginia.gov/events/exhibitions/online/oe/exhibits/show/remaking-virginia/voting/african-americans-vote">Black men came out to vote</a> in October 1867 for delegates to the <a href="https://www.lva.virginia.gov/events/exhibitions/online/oe/exhibits/show/remaking-virginia/voting/constitutional-convention">convention</a> that would write a new constitution. More than 105,000 Black men registered to vote. In the election for representatives to the convention, Black men outnumbered white male voters. The constitution crafted by the delegates, twenty-four of whom were Black, included significant reforms such as universal male suffrage and the creation of a statewide public school system. In 1869, when the new constitution was ratified, thirty Black men won election to the General Assembly. However, white legislators always remained the majority and the Conservative Party rolled back reforms, even as between eighteen and twenty Black men won seats in the Assembly during each of the next three sessions in the 1870s. Conservatives stayed in power for much of the last quarter of the nineteenth century and pushed through an amendment to Virginia's constitution designed to disfranchise Black men—a poll tax. The Conservatives were out of power for a brief period between 1879 and 1883, when the short-lived bi-racial <a href="https://encyclopediavirginia.org/entries/readjuster-party-the/">Readjuster Party</a> won the governorship and control of the General Assembly. They were called Readjusters because of their desire to restructure (or "readjust") the way the government paid off its debt incurred for internal improvements such as turnpikes and canals that were built before the Civil War. Paying the debt caused the state to dramatically decrease funding for public schools and other services, which upset many Black and white Virginians. The Readjusters succeeded in changing the debt payment schedule and restored funding to education and other improvements. They also repealed the poll tax and created the first public college (now Virginia State University) for Black men and women. The brief Readjuster period marked the end of Black political power in Virginia until after the 1960s. When the Conservatives, now affiliated with the national Democratic Party, took control of the General Assembly again they passed the Anderson-McCormick Act in 1884. This allowed the legislators to appoint all election officials and special election judges. The result was large-scale election fraud, as U.S. Senator and former Readjuster leader <a href="https://encyclopediavirginia.org/entries/mahone-william-1826-1895/">William Mahone</a> discussed in his 1885 letter. The conservatives stuffed ballot boxes, threw out Republican ballots, and forced Black voters to wait in long lines to prevent them from casting ballots. By the start of the twentieth century, white legislators sought to further restrict voting through revisions to the state constitution at a convention that met in 1901–1902. Delegate <a href="https://encyclopediavirginia.org/entries/glass-carter-1858-1946/">Carter Glass</a>, the architect of the voting section, explained that the new poll tax and understanding clause (essentially a biased literacy test) would legally disfranchise Black people. But <a href="https://encyclopediavirginia.org/entries/mitchell-john-jr-1863-1929/">John Mitchell Jr.</a>, the outspoken Black editor of the Richmond Planet, correctly explained that the restrictions would also hurt white men. As a result of the restrictions in the 1902 Constitution, Virginia lost fifty percent of its electorate overall, and ninety percent of Black men could not vote because of the hefty poll tax requirement. For a time after the Civil War Black men exercised their<a href="https://www.lva.virginia.gov/events/exhibitions/online/oe/exhibits/show/remaking-virginia/voting/citizenship"> right to vote</a> on the same terms as white men, but white politicians were determined to roll back these gains. The resulting disfranchisement affected Black and white citizens alike until the Voting Rights Act of 1965 outlawed many discriminatory voting practices and the U.S. Supreme Court's ruling in Harper v. Virginia outlawed poll taxes in all elections in 1966. These primary source documents found in Document Bank of Virginia can be used together to understand the Reconstruction era and Black citizenship. They are attached to this lesson plan as pdfs in the Files. Find more information about each document at the individual Document Bank entry link: Equal Suffrage Address, 1865 (excerpt): <a href="https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources">https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/items/show/306</a> The First Vote, 1867: <a href="https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/items/show/102">https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/items/show/102</a> Legislature of Virginia, Photograph, 1871: <a href="https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/items/show/178">https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/items/show/178</a> William Mahone Writes about Election Fraud, 1885: <a href="https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/items/show/312">https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/items/show/312</a> Voting Rights and the Virginia Constitution of 1902: <a href="https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/items/show/338">https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/items/show/338</a> Standards VS.8, CE.6, CE.8, VUS.9, USII.2, USII.5, GOVT.6 Goals and Guiding Principles: Through this lesson students will be able to explain the effects of Reconstruction and the ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment on citizenship. They will be able to identify the effects of Virginia’s 1870 Constitution and Readjuster Party and be able to describe how Black men gained and then lost political power during the last quarter of the nineteenth century. They will understand how civic participation addressed community needs and served the public good, even as some citizens tried to stifle equal participation. They will explore how Black leaders emerged, and how they fought against the rise of disfranchisement. Students will understand the importance of political parties in creating change. Suggested Questions Story Map (15 minutes depending on level of complexity) VS, CE, USII, VUS, GOVT Using the documents, create a story map of Black men’s suffrage between 1865 and 1902. Based on the documents, come up with a few key characters. Who are the protagonists in the story, and who are the antagonists? What do the characters want, and how do they achieve it? What challenges did the protagonists face? What is the arc of this story, and how does it end? The Wheel of Reasoning (20-30 minutes) USII, CE, VUS, GOVT Construct a wheel with these eight “slices” and answer the questions below: <ol> <li>Identify the key issue at hand for Black men based on the documents you have read.</li> <li>Identify the purpose of the Equal Suffrage Address and the “First Vote” lithograph. What were the points the authors/illustrators were trying to make?</li> <li>What was the evidence that supported the idea that Black men were ready, able, and willing to participate in the political process?</li> <li>What assumptions did many white politicians make about Black voters, based on their actions? Were these assumptions supported by evidence? Why or why not?</li> <li>What were the two points of view here in this collection of documents? What were the author’s/illustrator’s frames of reference—what experiences would they have had that informed their points of view?</li> <li>What were the concepts presented by the authors who had opposing points of view? What were the key theories/ideas each side presented? Were those concepts logical? Why or why not? </li> <li>What were the consequences of each side’s position/argument? What were the implications of each side’s position?</li> <li>What are the inferences you have made about the issue of citizenship and Black voting based on the material you read, and why?</li> </ol> Exploring the Images (15 minutes) VS, USII Look at “The First Vote” lithograph and the 1871 Legislature of Virginia composite photograph. How would you describe what the men are wearing in these images? What might you think about their status based on what they are wearing? How does the lithograph differ from the images of the men in the composite, and why might that be? What do you think the illustrator of the lithograph was trying to say with his art? What do you think the legislators were trying to say with their dress and their demeanor? Exit Ticket: (10-20 minutes, based on the age of the student) VS, CE, USII, VUS, GOVT <ul> <li>Name three things you learned from these documents.</li> <li>Name one thing that surprised you.</li> <li>Rate your confidence level for explaining what happened with Black men and the vote in Virginia from 1865-1902 (level 1=least confident, level 5=most confident). What would you like to know more about?</li> <li>How is what you learned from these sources relevant today?</li> </ul> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Lesson Plan – Citizenship During and After the Reconstruction Era Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1870 African American History Government and Civics https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/files/original/a672d48bf62975ff260f08a6057253b1.jpg 6a5ab16296ab25d26e9b97391b73dc3f https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/files/original/f5961b70371680297495c22e2b04c665.jpg 33a7540089eaadad2ea55b38413e1130 https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/files/original/464cafcf61d5ae28a9e6e348d79cb600.pdf 3b0f6f62b929d9b448cc940be4a6c2e3 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Emergence of Modern America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1890-1930 Description An account of the resource The idea of a “Modern United States” begins with the advent of the Progressive era. The Progressive movement focused on reforms viewed as necessary after drastic increases in industrialization, immigration, and urbanization, as well as corruption in the business and political realms. Temperance reached its peak with the 18th Amendment and the decade of Prohibition, while woman suffrage became guaranteed nationally with the 19th Amendment. Other movements that gained traction on a new scale during this era were the labor movement, including the rise of unions, and the Harlem Renaissance. Shifting roles for African Americans migrating to northern cities and unprecendented immigration to America's shores heightened racial and ethnic tensions and led to the resurgence of the Ku Klux Klan. With all of the changes on the home front of America, this era also saw the emergence of the United States as a major world power. The Spanish-American War pitted the U.S. against a European power other than Great Britain for the first time. Not long after, the United States found itself embroiled in World War I, despite strong isolationist tendencies. Along with a large death toll, World War I led to the development of the failed League of Nations, ultimately pushing the United States even further into an isolationist standing that would last for decades. The immediate postwar period of the Prohibition-era “Roaring 20s” saw a domination in politics and economics by big business and its supporters, which would all come crashing down in less than a decade. Learn more in the <a title="This external link will open in a new window." href="http://www.nchs.ucla.edu/history-standards/us-history-content-standards/united-states-era-7" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">National U.S. History Content Standards</a>. Lesson Plan A resource that gives a detailed description of a course of instruction. Context By the end of the 19th century, the conservative Democratic Party dominated Virginia’s General Assembly. After wresting control from the short-lived bi-racial Readjuster Party early in the 1880s, legislators passed a series of laws designed to weaken the power of the Black vote. The Anderson-McCormick Act enabled the General Assembly to appoint all local election officials. Democrats replaced all election officials, including clerks and local election judges, with loyal party members. This led to an increase in fraud and intimidation at the polls in Black and Republican-dominated districts, including adding extra or removing ballots from ballot boxes and forcing Black voters to stand in long, slow-moving lines. In 1901, Democrats sought to enshrine disfranchisement into a new Virginia Constitution and called for a convention. The elected representatives to the Convention included just eleven Republicans and no Black men, and they made clear their intent to disfranchise Black voters. So as not to violate the Fifteenth Amendment, which authorized (male) citizens to vote regardless of "race, color, or previous condition of servitude," the delegates agreed on two methods: an “understanding clause” and a poll tax. The understanding clause would enable registrars to “test” any potential voter on their knowledge of the Constitution, and would threaten to disfranchise not only illiterate citizens, but also anyone the registrar deemed incapable of understanding any questions he may have posed. The poll tax was set at $1.50 (approximately $58 in today’s currency), and had to be paid up for three years at a time. The architect of these new restrictions, Carter Glass of Lynchburg, argued that the aim of these policies was solely to disfranchise Black voters. In this excerpt from his April 4, 1902, speech to the convention, he made clear that the new constitution would allow for legal discrimination. Many people recognized that these measures would disfranchise more than just the population targeted by Glass and the other delegates. In fact, John Mitchell Jr., the outspoken Black editor of the Richmond Planet, rebutted this assumption. In editorials, he called the document “the unconstitutional constitution,” in part because the convention members refused to send the document to Virginia voters for ratification. In this July 1902 editorial, he pointedly stated that some of the provisions, including the banning of free travel for state officials on the railroads and the creation of a corporation commission to oversee railroads hurt only white men, as Black men could not serve as state officials and owned no railroads. He also clearly explained that the poll tax would disfranchise many white men as well as Black men. The delegates who wrote this Constitution never submitted it to voters for ratification, but it became the foundational government document of Virginia nonetheless in 1902. The understanding clause was so unpopular that the delegates included a provision for it to expire two years after the Constitution took effect. Disfranchisement was almost immediate and, as Mitchell predicted, both Black and white men were impacted. In the 1904 presidential election, 49% fewer voters participated than had voted in the previous election. White voting declined by 50%, and Black voting declined by 90%. Virginia consistently had one of the lowest voter participation rates in the country, and that did not change significantly until the Voting Rights Act of 1965 and until the Supreme Court overturned Virginia’s poll tax in 1966. Citations: Carter Glass, excerpt from April 4, 1902 speech printed in Report of the Proceedings and Debates of the Constitutional Convention State of Virginia Held in the City of Richmond June 12, 1901, to June 26, 1902 (1906), 2: 33076–3077, and John Mitchell Jr., “Hurts White Folks Most,” Richmond Planet, July 5, 1902. Standards VS.11, USII.2, CE.3, CE.4, VUS.9, GOVT.2, GOVT.3, GOVT.6, GOVT.10 Suggested Questions Preview Activity Looking at Language: What words stand out, and why? What do Carter Glass and John Mitchell Jr. make clear about the new voting requirements? What kinds of language are they using to create their arguments? Post Activities Current Connections: Look at current news articles from mainstream media sources to find articles on current attempts to restrict the power of voters. How are legislatures trying to restrict voters’ power, and why? Analyze: Read the documents. What does Glass argue about voting restrictions in the new Constitution, and how does Mitchell refute those arguments? Which argument do you think is most compelling, and why? Why do you think that the convention representatives believed Glass’s assertions over the arguments made by Mitchell and others like him—or do you think they believed Glass at all? Why do you think the representatives did not put the Constitution up to the voters for ratification, as had been the case for Virginia's previous constitutions? Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Voting Rights and the Virginia Constitution of 1902 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1902 African American History Government and Civics https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/files/original/58f2cfbd50da65660438e1c1d7555cad.jpg ff2341b49cdb922cc1b8f7454d4429a8 https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/files/original/57ab77fb84a60ed9be96ac8a77f64017.pdf 0d0805948b33e8f8397e1b28208f8076 https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/files/original/ce5067f45795a834c3062c7482e63514.pdf 1357c0be6502da5f665be83e082d0bb2 https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/files/original/93bc36f888cc74c94635b961c66a8e50.pdf 538a2910b56f4f9afe742a44b989edac https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/files/original/2fde191a7bbfb2a423f07fefe2a185d0.pdf 798f84b526270d7370462c47e6661c35 https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/files/original/15588ea459fc7c7f88cc944e90d4d830.pdf 37226e569744ffcc8a8b130512dd369d https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/files/original/cfada5eaa82c50486a87c20ae8fac455.pdf c772eca510ec5764ca7b079904f7ea13 https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/files/original/fbf6a69573d82ddf05b2993c3c9a71d8.pdf 08347c3b3d199e8329f54b66c6cf47c4 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Emergence of Modern America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1890-1930 Description An account of the resource The idea of a “Modern United States” begins with the advent of the Progressive era. The Progressive movement focused on reforms viewed as necessary after drastic increases in industrialization, immigration, and urbanization, as well as corruption in the business and political realms. Temperance reached its peak with the 18th Amendment and the decade of Prohibition, while woman suffrage became guaranteed nationally with the 19th Amendment. Other movements that gained traction on a new scale during this era were the labor movement, including the rise of unions, and the Harlem Renaissance. Shifting roles for African Americans migrating to northern cities and unprecendented immigration to America's shores heightened racial and ethnic tensions and led to the resurgence of the Ku Klux Klan. With all of the changes on the home front of America, this era also saw the emergence of the United States as a major world power. The Spanish-American War pitted the U.S. against a European power other than Great Britain for the first time. Not long after, the United States found itself embroiled in World War I, despite strong isolationist tendencies. Along with a large death toll, World War I led to the development of the failed League of Nations, ultimately pushing the United States even further into an isolationist standing that would last for decades. The immediate postwar period of the Prohibition-era “Roaring 20s” saw a domination in politics and economics by big business and its supporters, which would all come crashing down in less than a decade. Learn more in the <a title="This external link will open in a new window." href="http://www.nchs.ucla.edu/history-standards/us-history-content-standards/united-states-era-7" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">National U.S. History Content Standards</a>. Lesson Plan A resource that gives a detailed description of a course of instruction. Context The American woman suffrage movement is traditionally dated to the first women's rights convention held in Seneca Falls, New York, in 1848, where <a href="https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/online-classroom/stc/people/elizabeth-cady-stanton-(1815-1902)">Elizabeth Cady Stanton</a>, <a href="https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/online-classroom/stc/people/lucretia-mott-(1793-1880)">Lucretia Mott</a>, and others called for women's equality in the home, education, employment, and politics. At this time, women were a dependent class under the responsibility of their fathers or husbands. In Virginia, for example, married women could not control their own property until 1877. Most Americans—men and women—believed that the proper place for women was managing their households and families instead of participating in politics or voting. Two Virginia women, <a href="http://www.lva.virginia.gov/public/dvb/bio.asp?b=Bodeker_Anna_Whitehead">Anna Whitehead Boedeker</a> and <a href="http://www.lva.virginia.gov/public/dvb/bio.asp?b=Langhorne_Orra">Orra Gray Langhorne</a>, created two short-lived statewide suffrage organizations in the 1870s and 1890s, but it was not until the 20th century that Virginia women began fighting actively for voting rights. In Virginia the fight was dominated by white women, although Black Virginians such as entrepreneur <a href="http://www.lva.virginia.gov/public/dvb/bio.asp?b=Walker_Maggie_Lena">Maggie L. Walker</a> worked separately to promote women’s voting rights. In 1909, a group of prominent white women in Richmond organized the <a href="https://uncommonwealth.lva.virginia.gov/blog/2020/04/15/secure-the-suffrage-for-women-on-equal-terms-with-men-the-equal-suffrage-league-of-virginia/">Equal Suffrage League of Virginia</a> (ESL). Author <a href="http://www.lva.virginia.gov/public/dvb/bio.asp?b=Glasgow_Ellen">Ellen Glasgow</a>, artist <a href="https://encyclopediavirginia.org/entries/clark-adele-1882-1983/">Adèle Clark</a>, wealthy social reformer <a href="http://www.lva.virginia.gov/public/dvb/bio.asp?b=Valentine_Lila_Meade">Lila Meade Valentine</a> and others convened the group, which elected Valentine president and affiliated with the National American Woman Suffrage Association, which at that time advocated amending state constitutions to authorize women's voting rights. To persuade male voters and legislators to support their cause, Virginia suffragists publicized their cause in many ways. Their campaign included door-to-door canvassing, lobbying legislators, signing petitions, hosting rallies and “street meetings”—or demonstrations—staffing booths at local and state fairs, and starting local chapters throughout the state. They even persuaded men to start their <a href="https://uncommonwealth.lva.virginia.gov/blog/2021/04/21/why-should-not-women-vote-virginia-men-who-supported-woman-suffrage/">own league</a>. By 1919, the ESL had 32,000 members and was one of the largest organized pro-suffrage groups in the south. Suffragists argued that as women they had an intrinsic responsibility to vote. To create laws that protected children, funded schools and civic projects that would benefit society, and promoted efforts to help Virginians be healthy and safe, suffragists argued that they needed to be able to hold politicians accountable. Too often, they claimed, male politicians ignored these important issues. It was up to voting women, they said, to make the world better and safer for their children—and to raise children who would be civic-minded. How better to do that they asked, than to be voters themselves? As the ESL membership grew, Virginia’s antisuffragists also organized. In 1912, they formed the <a href="https://uncommonwealth.lva.virginia.gov/blog/2020/06/17/woman-suffrage-the-vanguard-of-socialism/">Virginia Association Opposed to Woman’s Suffrage</a>. They argued that suffrage was a socialist plot that threatened to fundamentally change the roles women played in society. They believed that women inhabited a “private” sphere, unsullied by corruption and politics, which made them inherently more moral than men. They believed that women would lose their power to persuade men to reform society. Antisuffragists also feared that enabling women to vote would increase the number of Black voters overall and dilute the power of the white vote. Many <a href="https://uncommonwealth.lva.virginia.gov/blog/2020/03/11/let-our-vote-be-cast-african-american-women-and-the-suffrage-movement-in-virginia/">Black Virginians</a> supported woman suffrage, but their voices were muted in Virginia as they were excluded from the groups organized by white women. Black women's clubs organized political study groups and they read about woman suffrage in local and national African American newspapers. In 1912, members of the National Association of Colored Women held a suffrage parade at their convention in Hampton. In 1913, Black women also participated in the national march for woman suffrage despite opposition from white women. As it became clearer that women's voting rights would be better secured through and amendment to the U.S. Constitution, some Virginians chose to affiliate with the Congressional Union for Woman Suffrage (renamed the National Woman’s Party in 1917). Organized by Pennsylvania Quaker Alice Paul, the National Woman's Party used more dramatic tactics to raise awareness of woman suffrage and build support for a constitutional amendment that would guarantee women the right to vote nationwide. Members of the <a href="https://uncommonwealth.lva.virginia.gov/blog/2020/06/10/freedom-justice-and-true-democracy-the-virginia-branch-of-the-congressional-union-for-woman-suffrage/">Virginia branch of the National Woman's Party </a>boldly castigated political parties whose members refused to support the amendment and picketed in front of the White House to shame President Woodrow Wilson who urged Americans to fight for democracy abroad during World War I while denying it to women at home. Many of the picketers, who were almost entirely white women, were arrested for during their peaceful demonstrations, which horrified many Americans and brought new attention to the suffrage fight. Virginia's General Assembly voted three times against a woman suffrage amendment to the state constitution in 1912, 1914, and 1916. When the 19th Amendment granting woman suffrage was sent to the states for ratification, <a href="https://uncommonwealth.lva.virginia.gov/blog/2019/09/04/unwarrented-unnecessary-undemocratic-the-virginia-general-assembly-responds-to-the-proposed-nineteenth-amendment-in-1919/">Virginia's legislature</a> voted against it twice before Tennessee ratified the amendment in August 1920. Because Virginia suffragists had convinced legislators that woman suffrage was on the verge of becoming reality, the General Assembly did approve a bill allowing women to register to vote even if the 19th Amendment was ratified after the state's deadline for registering. Virginia women took advantage and in September 1920 approximately 75,000 women<a href="https://uncommonwealth.lva.virginia.gov/blog/2020/09/16/really-and-truly-a-citizen-virginia-women-register-to-vote-in-1920/"> registered to vote</a>, including more than 3,000 <a href="https://youtu.be/pTXVeIzEnKc?si=1KUEha5FO26gOuWF">Black women</a>. The Equal Suffrage League of Virginia disbanded and many of its members formed the <a href="https://uncommonwealth.lva.virginia.gov/blog/2020/12/16/banded-together-for-civic-betterment-the-virginia-league-of-women-voters-2/">Virginia League of Women Voters</a>, which remained segregated for many years. Black women formed the short-lived Virginia Negro League of Women Voters. In 1952, the General Assembly voted to ratify the 19th Amendment for reasons that are unclear. These primary source documents found in Document Bank of Virginia can be used together to understand the women's suffrage movement. They are attached to this lesson plan as pdfs in the Files. Find more information about each document at the individual Document Bank entry link: <a href="https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/items/show/104">“The Age of Brass: Or the Triumphs of Woman's Rights,” Lithograph, 1869</a> <a href="https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/items/show/106">Twelve Reasons Why Mothers Should Have the Vote, Equal Suffrage League flyer, 1910s </a> <a href="https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/items/show/157">Equal Suffrage League of Virginia, Voting Qualifications in Virginia, 1910s</a> <a href="https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/items/show/112">Virginia Association Opposed to Woman's Suffrage, Broadside, 1910s</a> <a href="https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/items/show/154">Anti-Suffrage Arguments, Danger!, Broadside, circa 1918</a> <a href="https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/items/show/335">Black Women and Voting Rights, 1914 and 1920</a> <a href="https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/items/show/336">Suffragists Arrested and Imprisoned, Letter to the Editor, 1917</a> Standards USII.3, USII.5, CE.6, CE.9, VUS.12, GOVT.10 Goals and Guiding Principles Students will be able to evaluate the Progressive movement’s effect on the woman’s suffrage and describe some of the local leaders and key events that led to ratification of the Ninteenth Amendment. Students will be able to explore how activists peacefully worked for change, even in the face of violent opposition, and how pro- and anti-suffragists used media and the printed word to express their public opinions. Students will understand how women’s political roles in society expanded and changed as a result of the suffrage movement and the Ninteenth Amendment, and will be able to explain how groups can exert influence on local, state, and national politics. Suggested Questions The Wheel of Reasoning (30 minutes) USII and VUS, CE AND GOVT Construct a wheel with these “slices” and answer the questions below: <ol> <li>Identify the key components of the suffrage debates as posited in “Twelve Reasons Mothers Should Have the Vote,” “Voting Qualifications in Virginia,” “Anti-Suffrage Arguments,” and “Virginia Association Opposed to Woman's Suffrage, Broadside.”</li> <li>What is the purpose of each document? What was the author's motivation in presenting the information like this?</li> <li>Identify three key points each author makes.</li> <li>Evaluate the evidence. Are these authors using assumptions to make their claims, or are their claims based on evidence provided by the author?</li> <li>Point of view—identify the point of view of each author based on what they are saying.</li> <li>Concepts—What are the key theories presented in the suffragist and antisuffragist arguments? Are the points of evidence logical? Why or why not? What do you think of these concepts?</li> <li>Implications—What were the implications of white women writing about Black voters as they did? What were the implications of suffragists focusing on women as mothers? What would have happened if antisuffragists had prevailed?</li> <li>Inferences/Conclusions—Why did suffragists and antisuffragists use the arguments they did? What does that tell you about society at the time? Did the issues they wrote about actually happen? What does that tell you about their fears?</li> </ol> Story Map (15 minutes) VS, USII, CE Use "The Age of Brass" lithograph and identify the following in a chart: <ul> <li>Who is the protagonist?</li> <li>Who are the supporting characters?</li> <li>What are they doing?</li> </ul> Once you have the chart, read “Twelve Reasons Mothers Should Have the Vote.” Use the chart and the article to consider these questions: What were the traditional views about women’s role in society? Why did women's voting rights challenge those perceptions? How did the suffragists indirectly respond to the caricatures in "The Age of Brass?" Discuss Across the Divide (15 minutes) USII, VUS, GOVT Create a chart outlining the arguments presented in “Voting Qualifications of Virginia” and the reaction to white women suffragists as explained by the author of the St. Luke Herald editorial in "Black Women and Voting Rights." Imagine a discussion that could have been held between Black and white leaders about voting rights. What might they have said to each other, and why? Ultimately, did the argument of white women about the Black vote help them to secure suffrage? Why or why not? Debate (20 minutes) USII, VUS, GOVT Suffragists did not all agree on the most effective way of achieving women's voting rights. Taking either the side of the Equal Suffrage League and the National American Woman Suffrage Association or the Congressional Union/National Woman's Party, debate whether working for woman suffrage amendments to each state constitution or the U.S. Constitution would be most effective and whether or not more aggressive tactics would be effective. What arguments can they formulate for/against each issue/type of activism? Have them determine a conclusion—what ultimately do they think made the difference, and why? Artistic Endeavor (15 minutes) VS, USII, CE Draw or create a suffragist image as a response to "The Age of Brass" lithograph. Use the arguments in “Twelve Reasons Mothers Should Have the Vote” as a starting point for refuting "The Age of Brass" claims. Exit Ticket (20 minutes) USII, CE, VUS, GOVT List three things you learned about woman suffrage, two things that you found interesting, and one thing you still have questions about. Explain how the story of woman suffrage illustrates the ways in which people can peacefully organize for change and how people can be active, informed citizens in their community. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Lesson Plan - Woman Suffrage Movement in Virginia African American History Government and Civics Women's History https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/files/original/00df784c8ba7d880d7a3c7a5baebd392.jpg b8e80cfde94ba1462f166084d7635e19 https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/files/original/9f448950f72a00a708d4803ffd6f848e.jpg c5f2539ed307b81c29dc3358cf6c54b0 https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/files/original/b4e3a881c8b9cf362a987611380518ac.pdf c772eca510ec5764ca7b079904f7ea13 https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/files/original/9c3e4bc73909f727ff0bb5e7ace5571c.pdf ecca1ef14ed88c8417561d9c2de4dd51 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Emergence of Modern America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1890-1930 Description An account of the resource The idea of a “Modern United States” begins with the advent of the Progressive era. The Progressive movement focused on reforms viewed as necessary after drastic increases in industrialization, immigration, and urbanization, as well as corruption in the business and political realms. Temperance reached its peak with the 18th Amendment and the decade of Prohibition, while woman suffrage became guaranteed nationally with the 19th Amendment. Other movements that gained traction on a new scale during this era were the labor movement, including the rise of unions, and the Harlem Renaissance. Shifting roles for African Americans migrating to northern cities and unprecendented immigration to America's shores heightened racial and ethnic tensions and led to the resurgence of the Ku Klux Klan. With all of the changes on the home front of America, this era also saw the emergence of the United States as a major world power. The Spanish-American War pitted the U.S. against a European power other than Great Britain for the first time. Not long after, the United States found itself embroiled in World War I, despite strong isolationist tendencies. Along with a large death toll, World War I led to the development of the failed League of Nations, ultimately pushing the United States even further into an isolationist standing that would last for decades. The immediate postwar period of the Prohibition-era “Roaring 20s” saw a domination in politics and economics by big business and its supporters, which would all come crashing down in less than a decade. Learn more in the <a title="This external link will open in a new window." href="http://www.nchs.ucla.edu/history-standards/us-history-content-standards/united-states-era-7" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">National U.S. History Content Standards</a>. Lesson Plan A resource that gives a detailed description of a course of instruction. Context At the turn of the twentieth century, many Black women advocated women's voting rights, but their voices often went unheard and their actions were ignored or unwelcomed by the larger white-dominated woman suffrage movement. This was particularly true in southern states, where white fears of Black enfranchisement dominated. Once women secured the vote, however, many of Virginia’s Black women made clear their demand to be represented at the ballot box. In Virginia, Black women were not allowed to join white suffrage associations such as the Equal Suffrage League of Virginia. However, they discussed voting rights at their own women's club meetings and formed political study groups. When the National Association of Colored Women met at Hampton Institute in 1912, members attended seminars on woman suffrage and also held a suffrage parade. In 1913, despite the attempts of southern suffragists to limit the participation of Black women in the national suffrage parade in Washington, D.C., Lynchburg native Jimmie Bugg marched with other Delta Sigma Theta members from Howard University. Black women interested in voting rights could also learn more about the issue in national publications like The Crisis (published by the National Association for the Advancment of Colored People) and in their local newspapers. As general editor of the Saint Luke Herald, Richmond banker and civil rights activist Maggie Walker published many articles and editorials in support of the cause while also pointing pointed out the inherent prejudice in the white-dominated movement, including this editorial published on May 23, 1914. When the Nineteenth Amendment was ratified in 1920 and women were authorized to vote, thousands of Black women across the country and in Virginia registered to vote. In Richmond, Maggie Walker and Ora Brown Stokes led voting drives in September 1920 that enabled more than 2,400 Black women to register in the city. The process could be complicated and time-consuming and Black women were often kept waiting until white women had registered first. To register, a woman had to pay the required poll tax and then take her receipt to the registrar's office, where she had to provide her personal identification and answer any questions asked by the registrar to demonstrate that she was qualified to vote. The time, cost, and highly subjective questions asked by registrars limited the number of Black women who registered to vote. Black voter participation remained low in Virginia until passage of the Voting Rights Act in 1965 and the 1966 U.S. Supreme Court decision that outlawed poll taxes in all elections. Citations: "Woman's Suffrage" editorial, St. Luke Herald, May 23, 1914, Library of Virginia (microfilm) and Richmond City Election Records, 1920, "Colored Female Voters," Madison Ward, First Precinct, Library of Virginia. Related Document Bank entries <a href="https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/items/show/157">Voting Qualifications in Virginia, Equal Suffrage League Pamphlet, 1910s</a> <a href="https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/items/show/71">Evelyn Butts Challenged the Poll Tax, Virginian-Pilot (Norfolk), 1966</a> Learn more about the woman suffrage movement in Virginia in the Library's online exhibition, <a href="https://www.lva.virginia.gov/events/exhibitions/we-demand" target="_blank" title="this link opens in a new tab" rel="noreferrer noopener">We Demand</a>. Learn more about registering to vote in Virginia in The UncommonWealth blog: <a href="https://uncommonwealth.lva.virginia.gov//blog/2020/09/16/really-and-truly-a-citizen-virginia-women-register-to-vote-in-1920/" target="_blank" title="this link opens in a new tab" rel="noreferrer noopener">"Really and Truly a Citizen:" Virginia Women Register to Vote in 1920</a> Related Dictionary of Virginia Biography entries: <a href="http://www.lva.virginia.gov/public/dvb/bio.asp?b=Walker_Maggie_Lena" target="_blank" title="this link opens in a new tab" rel="noreferrer noopener">Maggie L. Walker</a> <a href="http://www.lva.virginia.gov/public/dvb/bio.asp?b=Stokes_Ora_Brown" target="_blank" title="this link opens in a new tab" rel="noreferrer noopener">Ora Brown Stokes</a> Standards USII.3, USII.5, CE.6, CE.9, VUS.12, GOVT.10 Suggested Questions Lesson Plan For detailed lesson plan options, visit our <a href="https://edu.lva.virginia.gov/dbva/items/show/337">Lesson Plan on the Woman Suffrage Movement in Virginia</a>. Preview Activity Scan It: Scan the St. Luke Herald editorial. What words stand out to you, and why? How do they characterize white women’s activities? Post Activities Analyze: Read the St. Luke Herald editorial and describe what it says about Black men. Why do you think the author characterized them the way they did? What do you think of what she said? Why? Dig Deeper: Read the Equal Suffrage League's pamphlet on Voting Qualifications (https://edu.lva.virginia.gov/dbva/items/show/157). How do you think Maggie Walker and the voting registrants would have thought of this pamphlet? How might they have reacted? Do you think it would have been a surprise to them to read it? Why or why not? Social Media Post: Imagine you are assisting with Maggie Walker's voter registration drive and need to make a related Instagram post or reel. What would you say and why? How would you encourage people to register and vote? Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Black Women and Voting Rights, 1914 and 1920 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1914 African American History Government and Civics Women's History https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/files/original/e0d5aae3dab80d9cd920a5bacf43932b.jpg 7618c700734449f4b2abbec519b262ec https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/files/original/0cd1eb05f66fb0a4df7deac12e5498c0.pdf 2f4e1bb5f079f26e57572f4624c7e801 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Postwar United States Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1945 - 1970s Description An account of the resource The era following World War II brought about vast changes, not only in foreign policy, but in economics and a changing civic landscape. The liberalism of the New Deal era grew into movements towards increasing civil liberties and economic opportunities, particularly for underrepresented communities and women. Protests became more common as groups demanded equal rights and voting equality. These movements were juxtaposed with Jim Crow laws and the reemergence of the Ku Klux Klan. The Cold War pitted the United States and its allies in NATO against the Soviet Union and other communist nations, particularly China, Korea, and Vietnam. During this period campaigns were fought not only on the battleground, but in the political arena and social consciousness as well. The fall of the Nazi regime opened the door to the Iron Curtain and Soviet dominance of Eastern Europe. Through the Truman Doctrine and the Marshall Plan the U.S. sought to halt the spread of communism further west. The defeat of Japan enabled previously occupied counties the chance to choose new leaders, many of whom sided with communism over capitalism. The United States would spend much of this period adhering to the “Domino Theory” foreign policy to contain the spread of communism. Learn more in the <a title="This external link will open in a new window." href="http://www.nchs.ucla.edu/history-standards/us-history-content-standards/united-states-era-9" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">National U.S. History Content Standards</a> Lesson Plan A resource that gives a detailed description of a course of instruction. Context The 1896 US Supreme Court decision in Plessy v. Ferguson that established the so-called "separate but equal" doctrine gave rise to segregation laws throughout the southern United States. Often called Jim Crow laws, these laws mandated the separation of races in public facilities. Virginia’s General Assembly began passing laws to segregate public transportation in 1900. Lawmakers first targeted railroads, requiring separate cars for Black passengers by July 1900. In 1901, the General Assembly passed a law segregating steamboats. Three years later, it adopted a law to allow companies that operated streetcars or trolleys to separate passengers. Following a streetcar boycott by Black Richmonders, the Assembly approved a law in 1906 that required all trolleys to provide separate seating. In 1926, the General Assembly passed what is commonly known as the Public Assemblages Act that required racial segregation at all public events. And finally, in 1930, lawmakers segregated passengers on motorcoaches and buses. Although Black citizens protested these laws, segregation remained the law of the commonwealth until the 1960s. States employed Jim Crow laws to determine what happened inside their borders, but they could not regulate interstate commerce between the states. In 1944, Irene Morgan traveled from her mother's home in Gloucester, Virginia, to her doctor in Baltimore, Maryland, after suffering a miscarriage. She was already seated in the segregated section when the driver ordered her to move to accommodate more white passengers. Morgan refused and the bus driver had her arrested. As police tried to remove her from the bus, she tore up her arrest warrant and defended herself against physical assault. Convicted of violating the 1930 law, Morgan challenged her conviction with assistance from the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People). Although Virginia’s Supreme Court upheld Morgan’s conviction, the United States Supreme Court overturned her conviction in 1946. In their decision in Irene Morgan v. Commonwealth of Virginia, the justices posited that states could not interfere with the free movement of transport across state lines and that Virginia's law was not constitutional. However, the ruling did not provide any method for ending segregated travel, which continued in southern states until the 1960s, when the 1964 national Civil Rights Act ended legal segregation in all public accommodations. This undated broadside would have been seen on a bus operating in eastern Virginia. Citizens Rapid Transit Company provided streetcar and then bus service in the Hampton Roads area between the 1920s and 1970s. Citation: Citizens Rapid Transit Company, "Virginia state law requires all colored passengers to ride in rear of bus," no date, Broadside 19-- .C58 FF, Special Collections, Library of Virginia (<a href="https://lva.primo.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/01LVA_INST/altrmk/alma990015426500205756">available in the Library's online catalog</a>). Related Document Bank entries: <a href="https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/items/show/332">Richmond Streetcar Boycott, Newspaper Articles, 1904</a> <a href="https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/items/show/120">Washington, Alexandria, and Mount Vernon Electric Railway, Photograph, n.d.</a> For more information, <a href="https://encyclopediavirginia.org/entries/morgan-v-virginia-1946/">read about Morgan v. Virginia online at Encyclopedia Virginia</a>. Suggested Questions Preview Activity Scan It: Look at the words in bold. Why do you think the company highlighted those words? Post Activities Think About It: Rosa Parks is famous for her role in sparking the Montgomery Bus Boycott, but Irene Morgan is not very well known for her role in challenging segregation in public transit. Why do you think this is the case? Be the Journalist: Imagine you are a journalist writing about the decision in Morgan v. Commonwealth. What three questions would you ask Irene Morgan? Why? Standards 1.1, 2.1, 3.1, VS.11, USII.5, USII.8 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Segregation in Public Transportation, Broadside, No date Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 19-- African American History Reform Movements Women's History https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/files/original/380ba0d057d7b2f82838cc76d0dcb773.jpg 73ff719b0464a6304c59843c7083d090 https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/files/original/1c6eeeab41debc95b02e7eecd09ecc81.pdf 0f228e4d3c6d459cf5af52f14b261f53 https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/files/original/15fb698acea54c9a1f797f7df5f3f920.pdf c1d48f1588429340c7cf7b802b4038ce Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Revolution and the New Nation Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1754-1820s Description An account of the resource The American Revolution is considered one of the most crucial times of United States history to study, as it lays the groundwork for all political history following it. Not only did it end the colonial relationship with England, but it brought about political change that shaped our lives and served as an example for other nations. It also called into question social and political relationships, raising questions regarding freedom and inalienable rights. Some of America’s most important documents and greatest political minds come from this era. The war itself also was revolutionary, with successful guerilla-style fighting and the defeat by colonials of well-trained British military forces. Following the war, the creation of the U.S. Constitution and the process of ratification shifted not only the style of government, but also the way in which governments functioned with an increased public investment. This process also called into question the balance of power between federal and state governments, an issue that continued to be present in American politics long after the Constitution and the Bill of Rights were completed. Despite strong unity among many in during the American Revolution, political, economic, regional, social, ideological, and religious tensions did not fade, and in some cases---especially with respect to slavery---increased as the United States sought to define itself. Learn more in the <a title="This external link will open in a new window." href="http://www.nchs.ucla.edu/history-standards/us-history-content-standards/united-states-era-3" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">National U.S. History Content Standards</a>. Lesson Plan A resource that gives a detailed description of a course of instruction. Context Abraham Skipwith was the first Black man documented as a property owner in Richmond’s historic Jackson Ward district. Skipwith became a wealthy landowner after emancipating himself in the years following the American Revolution. His story illustrates how enslaved people, as property, were at the mercy of enslavers and the political and judicial systems of the state. It also shows that some enslaved people were able to succeed despite laws designed to keep them in slavery. Skipwith was enslaved by Yorktown merchant and customs official Jacqelin Ambler. From the 1770s through the Revolution, he served Ambler as Ambler achieved powerful government positions as a member of the Council of State and then as treasurer of the Commonwealth. Skipwith may have moved with Ambler to Richmond, or he may have remained behind to oversee Ambler’s business concerns. Ambler sold Skipwith to Thomas Bentley, a western trader and merchant, in 1782. Abraham Skipwith learned to read and write—how is unknown—and may well have transacted business for Bentley in Virginia. Bentley wrote a document to manumit, or free, Skipwith, but it is not known if he wanted to reward Skipwith for his service or some other reason. Bentley failed to execute the manumission papers before he died in 1785. As a result Skipwith became part of Bentley’s estate, and ended up enslaved by merchants Thomas Keene and James Warington. In 1789, Skipwith emancipated himself with a payment of £40 to Keene and Warington, a considerable sum of money. It is not known how he earned the money, but enslaved people in urban areas sometimes had the opportunity to make money outside of the hours they worked for their enslavers. Skipwith earned enough money by 1793 to purchase several lots of land in Richmond, and the following year he purchased the freedom of his wife and granddaughter. In 1793, Skipwith purchased a large tract of land in what would later be known as Jackson Ward. He built a home that is now known as one of Richmond’s oldest surviving structures (although it was moved to Goochland County in the twentieth century). He amassed wealth during his lifetime and may be the first Black Virginian to have a legally executed will. When he died in 1799, he left the land, house, a horse and buggy, a gun, and household items to his descendants. He also left money to buy the freedom of future descendants. Details about Skipwith’s life are few, but evidence suggests that he was politically connected and savvy enough to know that Virginia passed a law in 1782 that enabled owners to free their enslaved people without having to ask permission to do so from the General Assembly. He clearly took the opportunity to seek freedom, finding allies among well-connected white people who supported his efforts. In 1785, Abraham Skipwith submitted this petition to the General Assembly requesting his freedom as promised by Thomas Bentley. The petition was referred to the Committee for Courts of Justice, but his request was not granted. Skipwith also included letters from white men who attested to the fact that Bentley had planned to set Skipwith free. These documents suggest that Skipwith knew how to navigate the political system. It also shows, however, that until Abraham Skipwith earned the money to free himself, he remained legally and materially a possession because the manumission papers were never executed. Citation: Petition of Abraham, November 22, 1785, Williamsburg, Legislative Petitions of the General Assembly, 1776-1865, Accession 36121, Library of Virginia (the petition and all of the supporting documents are <a href="https://lva.primo.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/01LVA_INST/altrmk/alma9917819929405756">available online in the Legislative Petitions Digital Collection)</a>. Standards USI.5, VUS.3, GOVT.2 Suggested Questions Pre-Activity Take a look: Look at the words and phrases in the petition. What tone does the petition take? Why do you think Abraham Skipwith takes this tone? Consider what he is trying to do, and consider his audience. Post-Activities Take a Stand: Imagine that Skipwith took the estate to court to try to gain his freedom and hired you as his lawyer. How would you argue that he deserved to be manumitted? Given that two witnesses wrote in support of Bentley’s original manumission document, what questions would you ask them when you called them to the stand in support of Skipwith? Food for Thought: Bentley originally signed the manumission for Skipwith during the American Revolution. What kinds of ideas circulating during this period may have influenced both enslavers’ and enslaved people’s ideas about freedom and enslavement? Do you think it influenced Bentley and Skipwith? Why or why not? Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Abraham Skipwith, Petition for Freedom, 1785 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1785 African American History https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/files/original/20db5a62123e8e232e95d8ae8ae80ad3.jpg 8e0fb797f369170a40f4b7d78c0b24b3 https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/files/original/5840731850f1c8173139798280146ae8.jpg 9a538a3b4bc9608868dd8b494f908c25 https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/files/original/2e2b9d03ac7d0f9f920c01d2e62f9e38.jpg 0f16037ec0de7b2786c27317c9983909 https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/files/original/f8e4e270b1baf074b0b1d3681b8871cd.pdf af13f442540f842100f35e9b3360d414 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Description An account of the resource Beyond the toll it took on the nation, the Great Depression helped to shape modern-day America, especially in expanding the role of government in citizens' everyday lives. The circumstances of the Depression spurred President Franklin Delano Roosevelt's New Deal initiatives that included the Works Progress Administration, Civilian Conservation Corps, Farm Security Administration, and the Social Security Administration to assist the unemployed, farmers, and the elderly. World War II helped not only to bring the nation out of the Depression, but also put the United States on the world stage as a superpower. Unlike previous administrations, both Roosevelt and President Harry S. Truman placed the United States on a path to leadership in worldwide conflicts and reform movements. The war changed the role of women as they entered the workforce while American men went to war. Events such as the bombing at Pearl Harbor, liberation of concentration camps, the use of atomic bombs, and the rise of the Soviet Union as a superpower shaped future American foreign policy. Learn more in the <a title="This external link will open in a new window." href="http://www.nchs.ucla.edu/history-standards/us-history-content-standards/united-states-era-8" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">National U.S. History Content Standards</a> Title A name given to the resource The Great Depression and World War II Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1929 - 1945 Lesson Plan A resource that gives a detailed description of a course of instruction. Context During World War II, Black Americans took the opportunity to point out the hypocrisy of engaging in a war effort to save democracy abroad while maintaining segregation laws at home. Spurred by the national newspaper, Chicago Defender, the Black community engaged in a Double-V campaign—demanding victory for democracy abroad and at home. Black citizens volunteered and enlisted to support all aspects of the war—from Red Cross volunteer chapters to military units—despite the segregation they faced in every aspect of wartime production. After facing significant pressure from civil rights organizations and Black leaders, the U.S. military agreed to allow Black men to enlist in aviator training. The Army Auxiliary Air Force contracted with Tuskegee Institute in Alabama to create a comprehensive training center for Black airmen and support personnel as an “experiment.” This center opened in 1941 and trained about 1,000 pilots and 10,000 support personnel, including mechanics, radio operators, navigators, photographers, and other skilled technicians. The aviators formed the 99th squadron and eventually three additional squadrons that joined the 332nd Fighter Group. Some white military leaders believed that Black men did not have the intellectual capabilities to fly airplanes; the Tuskegee Airmen proved them wrong. More than 350 airmen served in Italy in active combat roles. They flew 1,578 missions in both air combat and escort roles accompanying and protecting the bomber planes over North Africa and Europe. The pilots shot down 112 enemy aircraft and earned a reputation for having the lowest loss record of any escort group. They earned several presidential citations for their excellence in combat and were in demand as escorts for Allied aircraft as well. Although these men held a distinguished record, they still faced segregation and discrimination at home. However, the heroic actions performed by the Tuskegee Airmen and other Black service men and women during World War II contributed to President Harry Truman's order to desegregate the military in 1948. Rhode Island native Ralph H. Davis earned his pilot's license by 1939 and enlisted in the Army Air Corps in November 1941. He was trained as an airplane maintenance technician and served as an instructor with the 889th Flying Squadron and 2143 AAF Base Unit. After World War II, Staff Sergeant Davis and his family settled in his wife's hometown of Staunton, Virginia. The photograph of Davis inspecting a plane during World War II accompanies his biography for the Rhode Island Aviation Hall of Fame. The remaining photographs were published in the yearbook of the Tuskegee Army Flying School. Citation: Photograph and biography of Ralph Davis and photographs published in Tuskegee Army Flying School and AAF 66th FTD Yearbook (ca. 1943), Ralph Hickman Davis Papers, 1943–2021, Accession 50284, Library of Virginia. Standards K.4, 1.1, 2.2, 2.3, USII.6, VUS.14, GOVT.2, GOVT.5 Suggested Questions Preview Activity Take a Look: Look at the photographs. What stands out to you, and why? Post-Activities Be the Journalist: Imagine you are preparing to interview Ralph Davis. What questions would you ask him, and why? Dig Deeper: Read the Document Bank entry<a href="https://www.lva.virginia.gov/collections/educator-resources/dbva/items/show/18"> “I Fought for Virginia.”</a> Think about the racial discrimination faced by men volunteering for the Tuskegee Airmen during World War II. How do you think they would have reacted to this 1942 recruitment effort, and why? How important do you think their contributions were to both the war effort itself and the greater civil rights movement? Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Tuskegee Airmen in World War II, Photographs, ca. 1943 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1943 African American History Military History